{"id":56227,"date":"2012-02-02T12:24:05","date_gmt":"2012-02-02T11:24:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/laindependent.cat\/un-any-revolucionant-egipte\/"},"modified":"2012-02-02T12:24:05","modified_gmt":"2012-02-02T11:24:05","slug":"un-any-revolucionant-egipte","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/laindependent.cat\/en\/un-any-revolucionant-egipte\/","title":{"rendered":"Un any revolucionant Egipte"},"content":{"rendered":"

“Mai imagin\u00e0rem que an\u00e0vem a fer una revoluci\u00f3. Esper\u00e0vem nom\u00e9s uns quants milers de persones “. Aix\u00ed expliquen un\u00e0nimement les i els activistes egipcis les seves expectatives sobre la protesta del 25 de gener del 2010 que, fa ara poc m\u00e9s d’un any, va iniciar el principi de la fi de l’era Mubarak<\/strong>, la dimissi\u00f3 del qual arrib\u00e0 l’11 de febrer. Seguint l’espurna encesa a Tun\u00edsia, la flama revolucion\u00e0ria havia pres a Egipte. <\/span><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

“Sempre anacr\u00f2nica, inactual, intempestiva, la revoluci\u00f3 arriba entre el ‘ja no’ i l’ ‘encara no’, mai a punt, mai a temps. La puntualitat no \u00e9s el seu fort. Li agraden la improvisaci\u00f3 i les sorpreses. Nom\u00e9s pot arribar, i aquesta no \u00e9s la seva menor paradoxa, si (ja) no se l’espera “, ens recordava encertadament Daniel Bensa\u00efd<\/strong>.<\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n

Encara que imprevista en la seva magnitud, la rebel \u00b7 li\u00f3 no va n\u00e9ixer del no-res. Va ser la culminaci\u00f3 d’un llarg per\u00edode de renaixement de les lluites socials com a conseq\u00fc\u00e8ncia de l’impacte de les pol\u00edtiques neoliberals del r\u00e8gim que van comportar una forta polaritzaci\u00f3 social, la generalitzaci\u00f3 de l’atur i la subocupaci\u00f3, i l’extensi\u00f3 de la pobresa absoluta fins al 40% de la poblaci\u00f3, la prec\u00e0ria situaci\u00f3 de la qual qued\u00e0 patent amb la pujada dels preus dels aliments el 2008 i els anys subseg\u00fcents.<\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n

La joventut, amb un pes destacat de les dones joves, va ser la protagonista de la revoluci\u00f3 del 25 de gener. Sense la seva empenta, el dictador encara romandria al seu lloc. Per\u00f2 contr\u00e0riament a alguns relats interessats, no va ser l’eg\u00edpcia una revoluci\u00f3 nom\u00e9s de la joventut i de les classes mitjanes, ja que els treballadors van ser decisius en les jornades de febrer.<\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n

Si b\u00e9 la caiguda de Mub\u00e0rak<\/strong> no fou una “facebook (o twitter) revolution”, com de vegades superficialment se l’ha presentat, les noves tecnologies van jugar un paper determinant, en conjunci\u00f3 amb un mitj\u00e0 tradicional com la televisi\u00f3 a trav\u00e9s d’Al-Jazira. Les xarxes socials i la telefonia m\u00f2bil van tenir un rol d’acceleradors i precipitadors, van afavorir el treball horitzontal i en xarxa, i van actuar com a espais de polititzaci\u00f3.<\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n

Des del derrocament del dictador, el Consell Suprem de les Forces Armades (CSFA), que regeix els destins del pa\u00eds, ha intentat pilotar una “transici\u00f3 ordenada” en qu\u00e8 “tot ha de canviar perqu\u00e8 no canvi\u00ef res”. La desautoritzaci\u00f3 de qualsevol protesta, i en particular de les vagues, s’ha combinat amb la repressi\u00f3 pol\u00edtica, amb m\u00e9s de 12.000 ciutadans jutjats per tribunals militars en un any. En aquesta estrat\u00e8gia de canvi limitat i controlat des de dalt, el CSFA ha establert una alian\u00e7a de conveni\u00e8ncia amb els Germans Musulmans, principals beneficiaris d’una transici\u00f3 per vies institucionals. La junta militar ha estat c\u00f2mplice tamb\u00e9 de la viol\u00e8ncia salafista cap a la minoria cristiana copta, per desviar les reivindicacions democr\u00e0tiques, socials i de classe cap a enfrontaments sectaris.<\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n

Les eleccions del novembre passat van mostrar, com era previsible, la fortalesa electoral i social dels Germans Musulmans, l’\u00fanica organitzaci\u00f3 pol\u00edtica amb arrelament real i amb legitimitat hist\u00f2rica com a for\u00e7a opositora. El seu projecte, no exempt de contradiccions i de dificultats per articular els interessos d’una base social heterog\u00e8nia, combina un programa econ\u00f2mic neoliberal amb una pol\u00edtica reaccion\u00e0ria en el terreny dels valors, la fam\u00edlia i la religi\u00f3.<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/span>Tot i que l’islamisme \u00e9s la principal for\u00e7a organitzada i el beneficiari immediat del canvi de r\u00e8gim, per primera vegada en d\u00e8cades ha emergit un corrent significatiu de radicalitzaci\u00f3 social al marge d’aquest, que no satisf\u00e0 les aspiracions de llibertat i just\u00edcia social de part de la joventut. S’ha obert aix\u00ed la base per a la reconstrucci\u00f3, des d’un nivell molt baix, de l’esquerra pol\u00edtica i social i per posar fi al seu declivi des de finals dels setanta.<\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n

Les protestes a Tahrir i la repressi\u00f3 al novembre i desembre van suposar l’entrada en una segona fase de la revoluci\u00f3 en la qual la Junta Militar \u00e9s ja el blanc de la cr\u00edtica. Tot i que els sectors activistes mai van tenir confian\u00e7a en l’Ex\u00e8rcit, gran part de la poblaci\u00f3 el veia al febrer com un aliat i un garant del canvi. Aquest segon esclat social representa un salt endavant en la consci\u00e8ncia pol\u00edtica d’un sector ampli del poble egipci i de la seva comprensi\u00f3 dels mecanismes de poder i de la naturalesa de les forces armades.<\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n

Un any despr\u00e9s del seu inici, i en un context de deteriorament econ\u00f2mic, la revoluci\u00f3 eg\u00edpcia t\u00e9 un desenlla\u00e7 obert i viu esquin\u00e7ada entre les forces que volen donar-la per acabada i les que volen continuar-la. La seva gran vict\u00f2ria ha estat la recuperaci\u00f3 de la confian\u00e7a en la capacitat col\u00b7lectiva per transformar el m\u00f3n, despr\u00e9s d’anys de frustraci\u00f3 i descomposici\u00f3 social i d’abs\u00e8ncia de perspectives. Per\u00f2 les conquestes democr\u00e0tiques s\u00f3n encara <\/span>fr\u00e0gils. Les socials s\u00f3n escasses i la situaci\u00f3 de les dones est\u00e0 plena d’incerteses i n\u00favols. <\/p>\n

Els processos revolucionaris no s\u00f3n lineals ni rectilinis i estan poblats de frenades, accelerades i corbes imprevistes. El repte ara \u00e9s anar fins al final, completar la revoluci\u00f3 i aconseguir canvis econ\u00f2mics i socials de calat. Revoluci\u00f3 i contrarevoluci\u00f3 lliuren al pa\u00eds dels faraons un pols permanent en qu\u00e8 cadascuna apel \u00b7la respectivament a la solidaritat i la il\u00b7lusi\u00f3, i a l’egoisme i la por. En altres paraules, la contrarevoluci\u00f3 busca aflorar el pitjor de l’\u00e9sser hum\u00e0. La revoluci\u00f3, el millor. <\/p>\n

*Josep Maria Antentas, professor de sociologia a la Universitat Aut\u00f2noma de Barcelona. Esther Vivas, membre del Centre d’Estudis sobre Moviments Socials a la Universitat Pompeu Fabra.<\/p>\n

** Article publicat en castell\u00e0 a P\u00fablico, 2012.02.01   + info: http:\/\/esthervivas.wordpress.com<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

“Mai imagin\u00e0rem que an\u00e0vem a fer una revoluci\u00f3. Esper\u00e0vem nom\u00e9s uns quants milers de persones “. Aix\u00ed expliquen un\u00e0nimement les i els activistes egipcis les seves expectatives sobre la protesta del 25 de gener del 2010 que, fa ara poc […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":72,"featured_media":27493,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[26593],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-56227","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-drets-de-les-dones"],"yoast_head":"\nUn any revolucionant Egipte | La Independent<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\""Mai imagin\u00e0rem que an\u00e0vem a fer una revoluci\u00f3. Esper\u00e0vem nom\u00e9s uns quants milers de persones ". 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